The 
Sunday Times (London) has just published an article on Human Rights Watch's most controversial ex-employee, Marc Garlasco (whose hobby was collecting Nazi memorabilia). The article also nails HRW on their obsession with Israel/Palestine above other conflict zones in the world.
Every year, Human Rights Watch puts out up to 100 glossy reports —  essentially  mini books — and 600-700 press releases, according to Daly, a former  journalist for The Independent. 
Some conflict zones get much more coverage than others. For instance,  HRW has  published five heavily publicised reports on Israel and the Palestinian  territories since the January 2009 war. 
In 20 years they have published only four reports on the conflict in  Indian-controlled Kashmir, for example, even though the conflict has  taken  at least 80,000 lives in these two decades, and torture and  extrajudicial  murder have taken place on a vast scale. Perhaps even more tellingly, HRW has not published any report on the postelection violence and repression  in  Iran more than six months after the event. 
When I asked the Middle East director Sarah Leah Whitson if HRW was ever going to release one, she said: “We have a draft, but I’m not sure I want to put one out.” Asked the same question, executive director  Kenneth Roth told me that the problem with doing a report on Iran was the difficulty of getting into the country. 
I interviewed a human-rights expert at a competing organisation in Washington who did not wish to be named because “we operate in a very small world and  t’s not done to criticise other human-rights organisations”. He told me  he  was “not surprised” that HRW has still not produced a report on the  violence  in Iran: “They are thinking about how it’s going to be used politically  in  Washington. And it’s not a priority for them because Iran is just not a  bad  guy that they are interested in highlighting. Their hearts are not in  it.  Let’s face it, the thing that really excites them is Israel.” 
Noah Pollak, a New York writer who has led some of the criticisms  against HRW,  points out that it cares about Palestinians when maltreated by Israelis, but is less concerned if perpetrators are fellow Arabs. For instance, in 2007 the Lebanese army shelled the Nahr al Bared refugee camp near Tripoli (then under the control of Fatah al Islam radicals), killing more than 100 civilians and displacing 30,000. HRW put out a press release — but it never produced a report.
Such imbalance was at the heart of a public dressing-down that shook HRW  in  October. It came from the organisation’s own founder and chairman  emeritus, the renowned publisher Robert Bernstein, who took it to task in The New York Times for devoting its resources to open and democratic societies rather  than closed ones. (Originally set up as Helsinki Watch, the group’s original brief was to expose abuses of human rights behind the iron curtain.)
“Nowhere is this more evident than its work in the Middle East,” he  wrote. “The region is populated by authoritarian regimes with appalling human-rights records. Yet in recent years Human Rights Watch has written far more condemnations of Israel… than of any other country in the region.” 
Bernstein pointed out that Israel has “a population of 7.4m, is home to  at  least 80 human-rights organisations, a vibrant free press, a  democratically  elected government, a judiciary that frequently rules against the  government…and probably more journalists per capita than any other  country  in the world… Meanwhile the Arab and Iranian regimes rule over some 350m   people and most remain brutal, closed and autocratic”. 
Bernstein concluded that if HRW did not “return to its founding mission  and  the spirit of humility that animated it… its credibility will be  seriously  undermined and its important role in the world significantly  diminished”.  HRW’s response was ferocious — and disingenuous. In their letters to the   paper, Roth and others made it sound as if Bernstein had said that open  societies and democracies should not be monitored at all. 
It turns out that even Garlasco was not as enthused about the anti-Israel line of HRW as his bosses in New York wanted him to be:
Associates  of Garlasco have told me that there had long been tensions between  Garlasco  and HRW’s Middle East Division in New York — perhaps because he  sometimes  stuck his neck out and did not follow the HRW line. Garlasco himself  apparently resented what he felt was pressure to sex up claims of  Israeli  violations of laws of war in Gaza and Lebanon, or to stick by initial  assessments even when they turned out to be incorrect.    
In June 2006, Garlasco had alleged that an explosion on a Gaza beach  that  killed seven people had been caused by Israeli shelling. However, after  seeing the details of an Israeli army investigation that closely  examined  the relevant ballistics and blast patterns, he subsequently told the  Jerusalem Post that he had been wrong and that the deaths were probably  caused by an unexploded munition in the sand. But this went down badly  at  Human Rights Watch HQ in New York, and the admission was retracted by an  HRW  press release the next day. 
Emphasis mine.
 
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